Northern Ireland political parties that approved the agreement were also invited to consider the creation of an independent advisory forum, which would represent civil society, with members with expertise on social, cultural, economic and other issues, and would be appointed by both administrations. In 2002, a framework structure was agreed for the North-South Advisory Forum, and in 2006 the Northern Ireland Executive agreed to support its implementation. Issues of sovereignty, civil and cultural rights, dismantling of arms, demilitarization, justice and police were at the heart of the agreement. The vague wording of some so-called „constructive ambiguities“ helped ensure the adoption of the agreement and delayed debate on some of the most controversial issues. These include extra-military dismantling, police reform and the standardisation of Northern Ireland. Some commentators have called the agreement „Sunningdale for Slow Learners,“ suggesting that it was nothing more than what was proposed in the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement.  This assertion has been criticized by political scientists such as Richard Wilford and Stefan Wolff. The former said that „it`s… [Sunningdale and Belfast] have considerable differences, both in terms of the content and circumstances of their negotiation, implementation and implementation.“  In Northern Ireland, 71% voted in favour of the agreement, compared to 94% for the Republic of Ireland. In addition to the number of signatories[Note 1], Stefan Wolff identifies the following similarities and differences between the issues dealt with in the two agreements: The agreement sets out a framework for the creation and number of institutions in three „strands“. One young man said of the agreement: „Erm, I`ve never heard of it. I don`t know. I don`t know what it is. Three decades of violence between predominantly Catholic republicans on the one hand and mostly Protestant trade unionists, on the other, would have left a „deep and deeply regrettable legacy of suffering.“ Both views have been recognized as legitimate.
For the first time, the Irish government agreed, in a binding international agreement, that Northern Ireland was part of the United Kingdom.  The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognize Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom provided that the majority of the population of the island`s two jurisdictions has agreed to a unified Ireland. On the other hand, the language of the agreement reflects a change in the UK`s emphasis on the one-for-eu law to United Ireland.  The agreement therefore left open the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland.  These institutional provisions established in these three areas of action are defined in the agreement as „interdependent and interdependent“. In particular, it is found that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is „so closely linked that the success of individual countries depends on that of the other“ and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers „is one of the essential tasks assigned to the relevant bodies in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland].